My last major assignment for the “Reconstruction to the Present” volume of The Broadview Anthology of American Literature (scheduled for publication in the spring of 2027) has been to draft a 30,000-word overview of America and American literature from 1950 to the present. It struck me the other day that one section of my draft—on the politics of literature since 1950—might be of interest more broadly. The examples cited in the draft are of course all American, but the topics discussed include several that over the past few decades have been live issues throughout much of the world—and that remain so today.There are a number of interesting parallels between today’s literary politics in the United States and those of the late 1940s and early 1950s. Then, as now, right-wing politicians were railing against a range of books that they argued should be removed from libraries and taken off school curricula. In some cases, there were actual book burnings. In the 1950s, though, the focus was on books that promoted ideals of economic egalitarianism—“Communist” ideals, in the view of McCarthyite right-wingers. A report in the 13 November 1953 issue of the St Louis Post Dispatch makes the hard-line right-wingers’ aims abundantly clear:
Mrs. Thomas J. White of Indianapolis, Republican member of Indiana’s Textbook Commission, said the Robin Hood legend, and all information about the Quaker religion should be removed from schoolbooks because they tend to support Communism. … “There is a Communist directive in education now to stress the story of Robin Hood… because he robbed from the rich and gave it to the poor. That’s the Communist line.”In the twenty-first century too, hard-line right-wingers are in a number of states removing books from libraries and school curricula. Their emphasis, though, is not on tales of Robin Hood or histories of Quaker egalitarianism, but rather on books dealing in a positive way with issues of sexual orientation and gender identity, and on books that deal with subjects such as slavery in America or America’s treatment of Native Americans—books, in other words, that show America not living up to American ideals of fairness and equality. (Among the 300 books removed from the shelves of Florida’s school libraries in 2022 were Sherman Alexie’s National Book Award-winning The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-time Indian, Toni Morrison’s Beloved and The Bluest Eye, James Baldwin’s The Fire Next Time, Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale and The Testaments, Maia Kobabe’s Gender Queen, and David Levithan’s Two Boys Kissing.)
Another difference is that the twenty-first-century movement targets not just libraries and public school curricula, but also books assigned as university course texts. (Texas A&M University Philosophy instructor Martin Peterson, for example, was ordered in January 2026 to remove the excerpts he had chosen from Plato’s Symposium from the syllabus of his Contemporary Moral Issues course, so as to make the course compliant with state policy on classroom discussions on gender and sexual orientation.)
One more difference between right wingers then and right wingers now deserves mention. In the 2020s the Republican administration has made light of the actions of state governments’ restrictions on books: school districts were doing no more than establishing “commonsense processes by which to evaluate and remove age-inappropriate materials,” Trump’s Education Department declared. In contrast, Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower, then President, spoke out loud and clear when he addressed a 1953 university student audience at Dartmouth College: “Don't join the book burners,” he urged. “Don’t be afraid to go in your library and read every book.”
So much for the biases of the hard right in the early 1950s and in our own day. What of those on the left?
In the early 1950s, a number of leading writers (among them Langston Hughes, Arthur Miller, and Richard Wright) were branded as Communist sympathizers by McCarthy and his followers, and the publishing community as a whole was branded as left-wing. In their wild accusations regarding Communist Party memberships, McCarthy and his sympathizers were off the mark (of Hughes, Miller, and Wright, only Wright had been a member of the Communist Party, and he had publicly broken with it in 1944 in his essay “I Tried to Be a Communist”).
But even many who were appalled by McCarthy’s tactics agreed that the literary world of the late 1940s and early 1950s skewed to the left. To combat this imbalance, Henry Regnery in 1949 founded a publishing house dedicated to publishing conservative authors—and to combat the same imbalance in the magazine world one of Regnery’s authors, William F. Buckley, Jr., founded the magazine National Review in 1955. But the conservative principles that Regnery and his ilk adhered to had little in common with those of Trump and his followers in the 2020s—just as the principles of the liberals of the day had little in common with those of many on the left in the twenty-first century. Conservatives such as Regnery and Buckley advocated a less interventionalist approach to the economy, and spoke up in defence of what they saw as fixed moral truths as opposed to the relativism that they perceived to have permeated society. Among Regnery’s leading authors was Russell Kirk, author of The Conservative Mind (1953), which came to be thought of as the bible of traditionalist (or classical) conservatism. The Regnery Company in general published (according to a columnist in the Bangor Daily Commercial) “books of almost universally high quality, focusing on philosophical works. … that [tend to reflect] one quality that distinguishes the best of modern thinking…, the rejection of the outlook that dominated the whole of the nineteenth century—the idea of infinite progress.”
The liberal consensus of the 1950s and early 1960s, on the other hand, (shared by many Eisenhower Republicans as well as most northern Democrats) took a largely Keynesian, collectivist approach to socio-economic matters, gave a high priority to issues of economic and social class, advocated tolerance towards those with views incompatible with one’s own—and held a devout belief that America was fundamentally good, together with a devout belief that continuing progress should always be a goal.
In some parts of the literary world, though, any sign of progress was difficult to discern. Between 1943 and 1960, not a single woman had been awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction or the National Book Award for Fiction. Not until the late 1960s was any black American—or Native American, or Latino American, or Asian American—awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction. (Only one person of color—Ralph Ellison for Invisible Man in 1953—had ever been awarded the National Book Award for Fiction.) By the late 1960s many people were belatedly starting to notice that at least 95 percent of the American literary fiction published between 1940 and 1965 had been written by white authors—and that roughly three-quarters of those had been men. And white males occupied the vast majority of editorial and management positions in the publishing industry.
The literary world is looking very different in the 2020s. In 2025 roughly 70 and 80 percent of editorial and management positions in the book publishing industry were occupied by women, and roughly 20 percent were occupied by people of color. In the first 26 years of the twenty-first century, the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction has been awarded eight times to women and five times to writers of color; over the same period, the National Book Award for Fiction has been awarded twelve times to women and eleven times to people of color. Of the 30 finalists for the National Book Award between 2020 and 2025, only five were white men.
As in 1950, the vast majority of 2020s authors of literary fiction (and poetry, and drama) identify as liberal or left-leaning—as do the vast majority of editors, literary agents, and other editorial decision-makers in the literary world (over 95 percent of book editors in the United States report that they normally vote for the Democratic candidate).*
Between the 1990s and the 2020s, though, “left-leaning” had gradually come to mean something very different from what it had meant in 1950. By 2020, many on the left had relatively little interest in issues of social and economic class—but an overriding interest in issues of gender and of sexual orientation, of ethnicity and, especially, of race. Many had come to believe that, far from being fundamentally good, America was fundamentally a land of inequality and of racism. Many had come to doubt that progress was possible—and many had little tolerance towards those with views incompatible with their own (a tendency exacerbated by the rise of social media in the 2010s, and by algorithms that tended to turn social media forums into echo chambers).
Many in the literary community had also become convinced that authors’ behavior in their personal lives was a relevant consideration when it came to deciding whether or not their works should be read.** Starting in 2018, many high school teachers and university professors decided to drop Sherman Alexie’s The Absolutely True Diary of a Part-Time Indian from their assigned reading lists—not because it showed America not living up to American ideals of fairness and equality (the complaint of the Florida school library authorities), but because Alexie had been accused of sexual harassment (and had issued a statement apologizing for having “done things that have harmed other people, including those I love most deeply”).
When it came to literary judgments, many in the literary community also focused largely on numbers—too largely, in the view of some. In a 2016 column, for example, the novelist Charles Finch described the phenomenon in this way:
A plague on our literary culture is this thing about counting. A prize list comes out and people rush to ask how many women are on it, then how many people of color, then how many women of color, then how many queer women of color, and on and on until at last Twitter runs the tally and confers either its approval or censure. It’s absurd, maddening. The trouble is that it’s also incalculably better than the old plague, which was never to count at all. The emergence of identity politics in America was, as Jackson Lears has succinctly observed, a tragic necessity.Many of the ideological and attitudinal changes in the literary community played out over issues of language. Beginning in the 1960s, people had begun to realize that using he was an inappropriate way to refer to someone whose gender you did not know—and that linguistic matters of this sort made a real difference attitudinally. Over the course of the next sixty years hundreds of sexist, racist, ableist and ageist terms were replaced—most of them, with good reason. But as the twenty-first century wore on, a sense of over-reach began to be widespread. When a California school board member became “personally offended” when someone at a meeting used the word homeless rather than the word unhoused, the incident was fodder for Fox news and other conservative media outlets.
Language, then, is one of the many politically charged topics for the literary community; “staying in your lane” has become another. From the beginnings of American literature through to the mid twentieth century, it was a common practice for white authors to feature non-white protagonists in their fiction; classic examples include Lydia Maria Child’s Hobomok (1824), Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852), and Helen Hunt Jackson’s Ramona (1884). That practice carried on well into the twentieth century. Julia Peterkin’s Scarlet Sister Mary (1928), for example, features a black woman as a protagonist, and Oliver La Farge’s The Laughing Boy (1929) a Native American as its protagonist; both books were awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction.
Black American authors, it should be noted, have often done the same in reverse. Paul Dunbar’s 1904 story “The Lynching of Jube Benson,” for example, features a white protagonist (one whose thoughts and actions portray the workings of racial prejudice among white people perhaps more persuasively than any character in a piece of fiction written by a white author). By mid century it had become common practice for black American authors to occasionally publish works with white protagonists; in Ann Petry’s 1947 novel Country Place, in Richard Wright’s 1954 novel Savage Holiday, and in Lorraine Hansberry’s 1964 play The Sign in Sidney Brustein's Window, almost all the characters are white.
As identity politics came to the fore in the twenty-first century, though, many on the left came to believe that writers are best advised to stick to writing about people like themselves.*** When a group is represented in fiction by their “own voices,” (as Shuli de la Fuente-Lau puts it), “they will be seen “not with an observer’s gaze, but with the cultural nuance from being an active member of that culture.” In the other direction, “books not created by ‘own voices’ authors may leave out nuances and may inaccurately capture cultural elements.”
The word “active” here perhaps deserves special mention. The criticism of writers who have written about a culture without being an active member of that culture has sometimes been just as harsh as has criticism of writers who have written about cultures that have no claim to belong to. Jeanine Cummins, for example, has been roundly criticized for the way she writes in her 2020 novel American Dirt about a poor Mexican mother and her child; Cummins has a Puerta Rican grandmother, and thus identifies both as white and as Latina, but she has never lived in a poor Latina community. Critics linked Cummins’s lack of “lived experience” to her allegedly stereotypical portrayals of Latina characters.
But do portrayals of cultures that an author is not a member of necessarily suffer from these sorts of flaws? Are such portrayals bound to be filled with stereotypes, or can authors succeed if they approach the task of writing with care and sensitivity? Must authors always “stay in their own lane”?
The danger, in the view of authors such as Salman Rushdie and Henry Louis Gates,**** occurs when sensible guidelines for writers—that they approach the prospect of writing about members of other groups with care and consideration—harden into a prohibition against their writing about members of other groups. In a powerful 2021 speech to a PEN audience, Gates put the case clearly:
Whenever we treat an identity as something to be fenced off from those of another identity, we sell short the human imagination. … Social identities can connect us in multiple and overlapping ways; they are not protected but betrayed when we turn them into silos with sentries.In similar fashion, Rushdie argued in a 2023 speech that it would be “the death of the novelist’s art” if writers were restricted to writing only about people of their own race, gender, ethnic or national group, or sexual orientation; he encouraged young writers to find the courage to “step out of their lane” and be willing to write about the lives of a wide range of people.
It may be instructive to look at the experience of American writers who have refused to stay in their lane, and have not been criticized for that choice—writers such Lynn Nottage, twice winner of the Pulitzer Prize for Drama. Like Gates and Rushdie, Nottage opposes “stay in your lane” strictures, which she sees as limiting cross-cultural empathy, and as particularly confining to writers from marginalized communities. But she emphasises the importance of authors taking care about what they write.
Nottage’s 2017 play Sweat involves an ensemble cast of nine factory workers in Reading, Pennsylvania—four blacks, four whites and one Latino; six men and three women. Three of the nine are in their twenties, the others middle aged. Nottage herself was middle aged when she came to write the play; she is a black woman from an educated middle-class background, and thereby in one or more important ways very different from all nine of the characters portrayed in the play. Of crucial importance: she did not rely only on her imagination in writing the play. She devoted an enormous amount of time to research, including years spent interviewing those who lived and worked in Reading, many of them middle-aged white steelworkers who had long been without work as a result of a company lockout. In such a situation, Nottage has said, one has to “replace judgment with curiosity.”
In some ways Nottage’s approach seems like a throwback to an earlier time. She firmly opposes “stay in your lane” restrictions. Though clearly left-of-center politically, her work engages with issues of class at least as deeply as it does with those of race or gender. And, much as she sees and feels deeply all that is negative about the American experience, she feels deeply too the pull of an America that can be better than it has been. Nottage prefaces Sweat with an eleven-line quotation from Langston Hughes’ 1936 poem “Let America Be America Again”:
O, yes,If there is to be a peaceful resolution of the twenty-first century battles over the politics of literature (or at least a truce), it may well turn out to have been writers such as Lynn Nottage who have pointed the way forward.
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath—
America will be!
Out of the rack and ruin of our gangster death,
The rape and rot of graft, and stealth, and lies,
We, the people, must redeem
The land, the mines, the plants, the rivers.
The mountains and the endless plain—
All, all the stretch of these great green states—
And make America again!
* In a move that paralleled that of Henry Regnery in 1949, several American publishers have in the twenty-first century acknowledged the degree to which their existing publishing programs were not providing an outlet for conservative views, and have set up imprints (such as Penguin’s Sentinel imprint and Simon & Schuster’s Threshold Editions imprint) dedicated to publishing books with a conservative slant.
**In the mid-century American literary world, controversy had a different focus. In the high profile squabble over the 1949 decision of a jury led by T.S. Eliot, W.H. Auden, and Robert Lowell to award Ezra Pound the prestigious Bollingen Prize for The Pisan Cantos, for example, those objecting to the decision did not argue that the viciously antisemitic content of The Pisan Cantos should disqualify the book from being read and studied, or that Pound’s treasonous speeches during WWII should disqualify any of his work from being read or studied; their argument was simply that these things should disqualify Pound and The Pisan Cantos from receiving a prestigious award.
***This issue is sometimes conflated with the issue of appropriation of story material—a tangentially related but fundamentally separate question. Until the late twentieth century the literary community too often considered it entirely unproblematic if a white author “borrowed” an Indigenous myth or story as raw material for fiction—and there was rarely or ever any thought given to consulting anyone from the relevant Indigenous group when the “borrowing” occurred. In the twenty-first century, of course, all that has changed—and today’s literary and Indigenous communities are fully in agreement that the change is a positive one.
**** Criticisms of the “stay in your lane” approach to literary writing by writers such as Gates and Rushdie have been mild by comparison with those of some other writers. In 2024, for example, dramatist David Mamet denounced the “stay in your lane” approach as “fascist totalitarianism.” (Mamet’s political views had been liberal in the 1970s and 1980s, when he wrote the now classic plays American Buffalo and Glengarry Glen Ross and he still identified as a liberal when he wrote his controversial 1992 play Oleanna (1992). In 2008, however, he broke with his liberal past in an article in The Village Voice entitled “Why I Am No Longer a ‘Brain-Dead Liberal,’” and thereafter he became increasingly intemperate in criticizing the political left.)
Mark Melnick's cover of the Theatre Communications Group edition of Lynn Nottage's Sweat approriately foregrounds a beer glass over a coffee thermos; the play is for the most part set in a bar in Reading, Pennsylvania.












